NEWS / Wed 24 JunPosted By; Akintayo AsamuThe Senate’s historic passage of the Constitution Alteration Bill to establish state police represents a watershed moment in Nigeria’s federalism. For decades, the centralized policing model has proven painfully inadequate against the hydra-headed monsters of banditry, terrorism, and kidnapping. Yet, as the nation stands on the precipice of this security revolution, a familiar, haunting question dominates public discourse: Will state governors not turn these local forces into private armies to crush political opposition and suppress dissent?
While skepticism is deeply rooted in our political history, a critical look at the architecture of the new bill reveals that lawmakers were acutely aware of these dangers. The legislation is not a blank check to regional tyranny; rather, it introduces unprecedented legal and institutional safeguards designed to check gubernatorial excess.
The Ghosts of the First Republic
To understand the public`s anxiety, one must revisit Nigeria`s First Republic (1960–1966), when regional and Native Authority police forces operated under the control of regional premiers. During that era, localized policing degenerated into a tool for political warfare.
The Native Authority police were notorious for:
Opponents of ruling regional parties were routinely harassed, arbitrary arrests were rampant, and political rallies were violently disrupted.
Local forces were actively deployed to intimidate voters and protect regional ruling elites during tense electoral cycles.
In collusion with local judiciaries, regional police fast-tracked the imprisonment of political activists.
This systematic abuse of power directly fueled the widespread political instability that led to the 1966 military coup. Consequently, the military centralized the policing structure under a single federal command to prevent regional leaders from wielding such dangerous local leverage.
Why History Will Not Repeat Itself
While critics fear a return to the dark days of the 1960s, the newly passed bill contains structural firewalls that the First Republic completely lacked.
Clause 17(7) categorically criminalizes the weaponization of the police for political vendettas. It strictly prohibits a state Commissioner of Police (CP) from arresting, detaining, or using force against any citizen, journalist, or political party simply for criticizing the government. No such constitutional protection existed in the First Republic.
A governor`s power to appoint a CP is strictly conditional, requiring formal confirmation by the State House of Assembly. This forces public scrutiny and creates an essential local check and balance.
Unlike the First Republic where regional forces often operated in institutional silos, the new bill establishes a concurrent framework. The federal police structure, headed by the Inspector-General of Police, remains fully active nationwide. Federal courts, national security agencies, and human rights commissions retain overriding authority to intervene if local commands violate constitutional rights.
The Verdict
Devolution of policing is a necessity for a country of over 200 million people. We cannot allow the trauma of the 1960s to permanently paralyze modern security progress. The 10th National Assembly has delivered a legislative framework equipped with robust, modern legal tripwires that did not exist sixty years ago.
The responsibility now shifts to the judiciary, civil society, and the Nigerian press to act as vigilant watchdogs. With these strict statutory guards in place, the era of unchecked regional tyranny will be incredibly difficult to resurrect. The safeguards are there; we must simply have the courage to enforce them.